A risible claim!

Breaking through Again and Again – and yet Again!

In an earlier posting we said we would get back to the claim of Martin Cavanagh, the Deputy Vice President, that the leadership’s strategy had forced the government to talk about pay cohesion for the ‘first time in over a quarter of a century’.

If the leadership take 25 years to get into talks – with no promise of meaningful change after another below inflation pay year – then we need a new leadership. But the claim is untrue even its own terms.

If you read the 2019/20, 2020/21, 2021/22 and 2022/2023 pay remits (Cabinet Office instructions to bargaining units regarding the annual pay round) you will see that pay coherence is referenced. For example, 2019/20 states,

“Cabinet Office ministers have valued engagement with trade unions on this year’s process.”

“Coherence: Proposals may take into account wider Civil Service context and, if departments decide it is appropriate for them they may look towards more consistent approaches on common issues. In particular business cases could look at where historic divergence between departments makes reward systems more complex, less agile, less fair to employees and less value overall to the taxpayer.”

We assume that our national representatives do talk about pay coherence when meeting Cabinet Office officials and Ministers about pay remits. If they don’t, then we definitely need a new leadership.

More substantially though, both in 2005 and 2008 the then union leadership, with Mark Serwotka at the fore, claimed that it made the same breakthrough as it has this year!

In 2005 the PCS leadership said, “We have persuaded the Government to introduce a fairer, more coherent pay system…” The truth was that the government of the time had no intention of introducing a “fairer, more coherent” pay system and it did not do so. Just three years later the r the then leadership, with Mark Serwotka to the fore, claimed that the NEC had “Achieved the first national pay negotiations in 15 years to address massive inequalities in pay.”

The statement was untrue. The leadership had conducted years of fruitless “national pay framework” and “pay coherence” talks before 2008. Indeed, it is a mystery as to how the then leadership, with Mark Serwotka once again at the fore, managed to persuade the government in 2005 to introduce a “fairer, more coherent pay system”, if in 2008 they were achieving the first national pay negotiations to address pay inequalities in 15 years.

Of course, people can make bad mistakes (including misleading members), learn the lessons, and move on. But here we are and the same type of spin comes rolling out from the Left Unity/’Fran & Paul’ leadership.

So you will see that three times in the last 25 years the national union has claimed the same breakthrough. Each time there was nothing.

We leave you therefore with what we wrote in 2008 regarding the 2005 breakthrough – what we said then still stands now:

“The lack of detail at the time showed that the PCS leadership either knew the Government was not so persuaded or it genuinely believed its own hype but had no idea what it had persuaded the Government to do!

Martin, withdraw your bizarre and misleading claim!

Mark Serwotka attacks union activists but makes a key admission

Once upon a time, the General Secretary would be provided with column inches in major newspapers like the Guardian and Independent to promote the interests of members and articulate the unions positions. Now, with the waning of our influence, the self-imposed collapse of our national dispute, the haemorrhaging of membership in the civil service and the lowest pay offer in the public sector, the relevance of our voice and the resulting offers of air time has dwindled.

It is somewhat telling, and not a little disheartening, that the end of his 23-year stint as head of the union is marked not by rallying calls to members and attacks on the government on TV and popular media, but by misleading claims about members’ pay and attacks on his own members in much smaller left-wing publications.

The most explicit example of this being this recent interview with the tribune magazine following the result of the pay strategy ballot.

More money from the government than in 40 years of the union?

In this interview, Mark attempts to justify shutting down the dispute on the basis that the 4.5% pay increase – the lowest in the public sector – was “more money from the government for the first time in 40 years”.

Of course, in purely percentage terms this is correct. However, the leadership mighty want to consider for a moment whether such a low percentage is something to be so publicly boastful of, considering they have been in control of the union for over half that time.

No, the obvious problem with this justification is that in real terms it’s a much worse settlement for members than in many of the last 20 years. Members are much worse off with the deal relative to the rise in the cost of living than in decades. Mark’s no fool – he understands how inflation works – but without a genuine reason for abandoning the dispute, obfuscation and spin that is well removed from the reality of the material conditions of his members, is the last refuge.

Not that Mark personally will have felt the pinch, after all, the subs of all members, including those who remain on the breadline, are contributing to his £100k salary and will continue to fund his significant pension well after he’s left.

Being radical without representing the members”?

Whether prompted or not – we are convinced the former – the interviewer goes on to ask Mark why he’s supporting Fran Heathcote as his successor.

In a 7 paragraph response, which we can assume has been edited down, there is not a single reference to a policy or idea that Fran is putting forward to members.

Instead, it appears that the sole reasons for members to support Fran are 3-fold.

Firstly, that she’s a woman: But so is her opponent, Marion Lloyd.

Secondly, that she has shared responsibility for the state the union is currently in: a haemorrhaging density rate and the lowest % membership in the civil service in over half a century.

And lastly, that she is the joint architect of the strategy and outcome of the recent pay dispute – where, not to labour the point, the leadership won the worse pay deal in the public sector, nay entire economy.

In a nutshell, Vote Fran and Paul for more of the same. Are you not inspired?

With that taking up about 2 paragraphs, Mark spends the remainder of his answer to that question attacking his own members.

He talks about the “sectarianism from small elements… making the mistake of being radical without necessarily representing the people they’re there to represent”. Further stating that “the people in our union making the most noise hadn’t been on strike for a single day because they’d failed to get over the threshold”.

This attack line has been used previously by Mark within the union, but it’s the first time to our knowledge he’s been willing to publicly attack members.

Firstly, it’s demonstrably a lie. The author of this article was on strike, as were the overwhelming majority of Independent Left activists, in groups and branches which got over the threshold. But the attack is not only on Mark’s factional opponents.

There are many branches and activists who joined the PCS Say No campaign for example who were not connected to any faction, indeed there were activists who were members of the leadership faction, Left Unity who took part. We are aware of correspondence from these branches to Mark, left unanswered, raising concerns following huge members meetings on the direction of the dispute.

Entire regions of the union, notably the London and South East Region, with branches representing over 25% of the entire union membership, who organised the largest, most vibrant pickets and rally’s on strike days, voted unanimously at their AGM for a motion criticising the strategy of the leadership.

Attacking those branches and groups who failed to get over the threshold is equally irksome.

Obviously, we want maximum engagement with members, including in ballot turnouts. But the turnout threshold exists as part of Tory anti-union legislation meant to block unions from taking action. To valorise such legislation, which has prevented his own members from taking action, as a means to attack opponents is a right-wing attack line, more akin to the pages of The Sun and Daily Mail than the words of a notionally left-wing general secretary speaking to a left-wing publication.

Equally, the most disorganised areas of the union are not influenced by those Mark opposes, but those he supports. The Justice Group for example, long the base for Mark and Left Unity’s long-term allies, the PCS Democrats is an organisational basket case. Despite having some of the lowest paid, proletarian workers in the civil service, they not only spectacularly failed to get close to the threshold but have one of the lowest density rates at below 30%.

We are not gleeful about this situation, indeed we are supporting candidates who want to do something about it, but it demonstrates the hypocrisy of the attack-line. Where is the public criticism of his allies?

Why now?

With retirement in 3 months’ time, Mark has no incentive to maintain accountability. And without any significant policy deviation from the current leadership, it makes sense for them to instead rely on personal and ad-hominem attacks and slander against their opponents, hoping some of it sticks. We are dismayed but expect more of the same in the months ahead.

“If I had a regret if would be that it took us as long as it did to devise a strategy of industrial action that was finally effective”.

If members take away a single quote from this election period, if there is one sentence which will persuade you to vote for the alternative, it’s this one.

It is the closest we have got to an admission that over the past 20 years, the Independent Left were right about industrial strategy, and the leadership were wrong.

In the interview, Mark admits that both targeted action and the strike levy are key strategic choices which should have been used much earlier.

Both are things we have argued for years in branches and at conference, and each time were rejected by Mark and Fran and the Left Unity leadership.

The one-day strikes our members have taken for years – ineffective. The refusal to implement a strike levy until this year – ineffective. If we had been using effective targeted for decades we’d be in a much better industrial position. If we’d had a levy for decades, we’d have a war chest capable of supporting much more industrial action.

If our leaders are telling us they got the strategy wrong for so long and we have a choice to vote for those who got it right, we shouldn’t waste the opportunity.

If you agree, nominate and vote for Marion Lloyd for General Secretary and John Moloney for Assistant General Secretary.

Their vision and ours

We watched with interest the video by Martin Cavanagh, the Deputy President, on behalf of Fran Heathcote and Paul O’Connor, respectively Left Unity’s candidates for General Secretary and Assistant General Secretary.

Martin claims that Fran and Paul devised the strategy that forced the government to give members more money; he forgets the strategy delivered in fact the lowest pay increases in the entire public sector. So he is boasting about a strategy that achieved a fall in living standards!

In any case, the main plank of that strategy, the use of selective action, is not Fran’s or Paul’s ideas, nor that of Mark Serwotka either. The idea comes from the Independent Left.

Until the latest dispute, the standard tactic pursued by the Left Unity leadership, a term that encompasses the General Secretary, Fran Heathcote and Paul O’Connor, was a one or two day strike, followed by months of inactivity, with maybe a further day of action. This was then followed by either silence and no formal ending of the dispute (it just faded away and in in true 1984 fashion was then forgotten) or a claimed victory (which there never was) that justified the ending of action… does this sound familiar?

Our critique was that such tactics were doomed to failure as they did not bring enough pressure onto the employer and therefore we suggested that in between general ‘all members’ action that there be selective strikes.

It followed, we said, that you therefore needed to greatly increase the size of the strike fund, not during a dispute, but long before. We have been arguing for a levy for 23 years – if we had one, we would have a substantial war chest to support much more considerable selective action.

Our critique and solution was denounced by Left Unity at the time on the basis it showed ‘a lack of faith in the membership’ and ‘you cannot buy your way to victory comrade’. Indeed!

Then of course, without warning, or acknowledging where the idea came from, Left Unity embraced selective action, though they called it targeted action in an attempt to hide the origins of the idea.

Although we should be flattered by this adoption, unfortunately for members, the idea was only taken on board in a one-sided way. We argued that all-members action was also important, and the union should seek to win members over to taking as much such action as could be sustained, with selective strike action being used where and when it is effective.

Anyway, back to Martin. He further claims that the strategy has forced the government to talk about pay cohesion (pay levels in the different departments being brought closer together) for the first time in over a quarter of a century!

We shall come back to that claim in a later posting as it is factually incorrect. No, what we want to discuss here is the claim that the union ‘desperately needs’ and members ‘desperately deserve’ Fran and Paul to win.

It is no slip of the tongue when Martin makes a distinction between the union and the members.

For Left Unity, the union is a source of jobs, prestige, status and is their ‘thing’. Members are therefore separate and distinct from the union. In fact we think LU believe that the members are there to serve the union.

This is not only clear from how the union treats members; they exist to be switched on as in the recent strikes and turned off when not needed – they don’t have any other function. That’s why the union leadership is so affronted when activists question their betters (as many have over the ballot wording) or seek to set up structures outside the official union ones or seek to ensure that existing structures such as town and regional committees actually are lively, democratic and think for themselves.

Marion Llyod and John Moloney, who are standing as candidates for GS and AGS take the opposite view. They want a union of challengers, people who are self activating, who push the union and question received wisdom. If that is a vision you share, then please nominate Marion and John and then vote for them in the election.

PCS Ballot Result: Elect a leadership that will fight

The Majority of members who voted have voted Yes in the national campaign “consultation” ballot.

In a deluge of ballot material, including on the actual ballot paper, you were urged to ‘Vote Yes to continue the campaign for fair pay, pensions, justice, and job security.’

The dishonest, Orwellian slogan and question were chosen to confuse members and it did.

No other union in the public sector pay dispute has put such a duplicitous question to their members.

People who vote Yes to continue the campaign were unclear what that would mean when the leadership was claiming that it was only “pausing”, not ending, our action whilst also stating that in the event of a Yes vote they would cease to collect the levy required to fund selective/targeted action.

Nevertheless, on the basis of the ballot question and propaganda, the vote majority is to continue the campaign.

Unfortunately, the current leadership is not serious – or honest – about continuing our campaign. Infact they have inflicted immense damage on it by pausing action and destroying our leverage.

The campaign will not continue in any meaningful way if Fran Heathcoat and Paul O’Connor are elected, respectively, as General Secretary and Assistant General Secretary.

Fran Heathcote and Paul O’Connor are both part of the Left Unity (LU) leadership that runs PCS. The “strategy” of the LU leadership was largely in place many weeks before the ballot result was announced, and its purpose and effect has been to derail our pay and cost of living campaign.

The leadership’s “strategy” as supported by Fran and Paul has been to:

  • Thank the Tories on 2nd June for ‘hearing membership concerns’ (we have not heard a single member express that view – have you?).
  • To accept on the 2nd June, and in guidance to representatives issued on the 6 June by Paul O’Connor, that the highly restricted, one off, non-pensionable, lump sum payment of £1,500 should be paid on a pro rata basis and that consequentially part time civil servants, who are overwhelmingly women, should receive less than £1,500, even though the payment was in compensation for the pressure of inflation.
  • Wait until the 30 June, after a massive membership backlash, to write to the Cabinet Office minister objecting to pro-rata payment. His reply was essentially that this was the basis of the guidance and that they never objected on 2nd June. By this time of course, the leadership had given up all our strike leverage.
  • Flog the £1,500 pro rata payments to members as a ‘major concession’. Despite after Tax, NI and Student Loan repayments it would be a lot less, and in the case of our lowest paid members claiming Universal Credit, would have a negative impact on their income.
  • From June onwards, flog the Tories’ 2023-24 pay remit guidance (which sets the rules for non-senior civil service pay awards) as a major concession, having rightly previously denounced it before as guaranteeing another year of below inflation awards.
  • Give up on our 2022/23 demands for a fully consolidated 10% cost of living award with a £15 per hour national living wage.
  • Refuse to renew legal strike mandates.
  • Call off strike action for our demands.
  • Send PCS negotiators into this year’s pay negotiations without the leverage of civil service strike action, to get the “best possible deal” for members in 2023/24 (when the Government has been insisting since April that 2023/24 awards will be below the inflation rate).

This was a surrender note dressed up as a strategy.

The PCS Independent Left predicted where the leadership would “lead” members to: not a penny added to our 2022/23 salaries; the dire position of the lowest paid members (tens of thousands on or close to the minimum wage) unaddressed in 2022/23 and below inflation awards again in 2023/24.

In parallel to the consultation ballot, Group after Group (for example, DWP, HMRC, DfT, MoJ) have already rejected the 2023-24 pay settlements in their departments. So, we do not have to wait. We know what the 2023-24 pay round has brought us – falling living standards and the worse pay-rise in the public sector!

The Left Unity members, including Fran Heathcote, who sit on both the NEC and the DWP Group Executive Committee (GEC), and who have pushed the tosh that the Tories below inflation 2023/24 pay remit was a ‘significant concession’, voted to reject DWP management’s below inflation pay offer, an offer based on that same pay cutting Tory remit. But those same NEC/DWP GEC members are still pushing the line of “pausing the action” to see the results of the 2023-24 pay round! Farce upon farce.

Frankly, if the leadership of PCS really needs to see the detail of each civil service 2023/24 pay settlement before they realise that the outcomes will not be good for members, then they should not be leading PCS.

Do not mourn – Organise!

We see the current General and Assistant General Secretary elections as a continuance of the fight to defend and restore members living standards by another name.

If elected as GS and AGS respectively, Marion Lloyd and John Moloney will propose to the NEC that we start to re-mobilise members and activists over pay and we become strike ready as soon as possible, alongside a comprehensive joint programme for a fighting, democratic union.

By nominating Marion and John, and voting for them, you are ensuring that at least there is a possibility of a fight for better pay.

Please nominate Marion and John, not only on because of the damage the current leadership has done to our campaign and thereby to our pay, but also because members need a competent, professionally run, union.

A programme for a radical and competent PCS union

We want a better union. One that works, is honest, gets things done, and wins things.

The PCS leadership has repeatedly argued, in support of their claim that a restricted, one off, non-pensionable, £1,500 pro rata payment and the worst consolidated remit in the public sector justifies abandoning our 2022-23 cost of living pay claim.

The Independent Left wants the union to win for members. One of the bed rocks for winning is a high level of engaged membership. Engagement went up wonderfully in many areas during balloting and on selective and national strike days, especially amongst young people, but nowhere near sufficiently after years of falling membership.

Despite the national union continually failing to understand our relative density in various employer groups, at the moment, PCS membership is below 50% in most areas and less than half of all civil servants at PCS grades are now in the union.

This is bad for members, bad for the people we need to inspire and recruit, and bad for the future of PCS. Low density (proportion of members as percentage of total workforce) was a problem representatives had to deal with when persuading people to vote and support strike action. Taking the unions membership figures against those employed in PCS grades, this is the dire state in some departments:

Ministry of Defence: 14%
Ministry of Justice: 25%
DWP: 49%
Home Office: 38%

Unfortunately, the Left Unity leadership, which has presided over this union-wide, record membership decline, lacks the drive and the plan to improve the situation. Indeed in their strong hold of the DWP, membership density seems to have gone down during the dispute.

Because of the dire state of organising in PCS, one of the planks in the platform agreed between Independent Left and the Board Left Network, on which Marion Lloyd (for General Secretary) and John Moloney (for Assistant General Secretary) are standing, is the Mass drive to recruit non-members: We need to have 80%+ membership. This can only be done with a radical overhaul of how we organise.

Just saying you want to do something does not mean it will get done. But without a declared destination you will have no direction of travel.

The current leadership, which includes the Left Unity’s candidates for GS and AGS, lack the same ambition and aim, which partly explains why they have presided over an ever poorer level of membership recruitment and retention.

If you believe PCS should be trying to recruit all staff into the union and should be aiming to become a super majority union, then nominate Marion and John.

A joint programme for a fighting, democratic union

The following joint programme for the future of the union was agreed by two groups of activists in the union, the Independent Left (IL) and the Broad Left Network (BLN), as a basis for the candidacies of Marion Lloyd and John Moloney for the General and Assistant General Secretary elections.

We urge support for these positions and therefore support for Marion and John in the upcoming election.

Continue the dispute: the government’s highly limited “package of measures” was not and is not conditional on PCS ending its industrial action and its dispute and does not come anywhere near settling PCS’ pay and job security demands. The 2023-24 pay remit will mean a further reduction in real pay and the £1,500 payment is a one-off non-pensionable payment, limited in coverage, subject to pro-rata payments for part time staff, and not even guaranteed to be paid in all “employer areas” We must fight on to win a fair deal on pay and employment protection, including permanently lifting staff off the minimum wage. If we don’t continue the fight this year, we will have to fight again in the future.

Escalate our campaign: we must adopt a rational and democratically agreed plan of national and selective strike action, and action short of strikes, to defeat the Tory cost of living squeeze and to defend our pensions and jobs. We must put in place a permanent arrangement for building the Fighting Fund. We must seek to co-ordinate our actions with other unions.

Begin a campaign to reverse the detrimental changes to our pensions: retirement age, including for state pension, should be 55. In the civil service, 68 is still too late, we pay too much and get too little, and privatised PCS members often have it even worse. We must fight back.

Devolved Government members: Members in the Scottish and Welsh Governments should determine the pace and form of their pay, Terms and conditions, fights.

Key issues: Build into our national campaigning the key issues facing members, including office closures, chronic under-staffing and the other myriad ways that austerity manifests for all PCS members, including for contracted-out, privatised members.

End multi-tier Terms & Conditions: Campaign to end the multi-tier work force, which sees younger staff on worse conditions than those with “legacy” terms.

Extend democracy in PCS: Full-Time Officers with bargaining responsibility for our members should be elected, and Full-Time Officer pay should be brought more in line with the wages of union members. More power and resources should be devolved to left behind areas such as the Met Police and the Culture Group. For real devolution of power to members in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. To reconnect with members and drive-up NEC and GEC election turnouts.

Mass drive to recruit non-members: We need to have 80%+ membership. This can only be done with a radical overhaul of how we organise.

Put equality genuinely at the heart of what PCS does: Insist on equality impact assessment of all employer proposals (leadership’s acceptance of pro rata payment of £1,500 to part time members without even asking for equality evidence and assessment is shameful). Oppose and campaign against detrimental centrally driven changes, give full support for reps to build anti-discrimination cases and campaigns from the ground up. Reaffirm our commitment to fighting for trans rights, and opposition to gender critical ideology

Reinvigorate PCS political campaigning: Fight for the repeal of anti-trade union laws; oppose all public sector cuts; for energy democracy and for a National Climate Service; for universal social security net run in the interest of staff and claimants;, attain Tax Justice in the UK; oppose racism and fascism.

Organise, resource, and support PCS members in private sector: Commit to a serious struggle to improve levels of unionisation and organisation in private, privatised, and outsourced companies and services; improve terms and conditions at work across all private sector members, particularly on pay, holidays, sick leave, sick pay, bullying and trade union recognition. End outsourcing and bring all staff back in-house.